\, hot yet wholly lost all power to discern the foot of our soil. Sacrifice. Invested, can be of use to you but a very you must.resign it.all, every. cent.of it, (cain afford you no consolation at last. But, RRR Rie cat nan op ARBOR TRIG AEA ay tire er 008 wet Cag Gh BLT es Sabi, <TR to nee eet SAMUEL R. WARD, Eiitor. ALEX. M ARTHUR, Cor. Editor | THE PROVINCIAL FREEMAN s published every Saturday, at the Office of the paper, No. 5, City Buildings, King Street East, foronto, ©. W. 'Terms: 7s. 6d., ($1.50.) per nhum, payable in advance. REGULAR CONTRIBUTORS. The Canadian Contributors are: Rev. J. B. Smita, and Mr. J.J. Carry, of Tor- onto; and A. B. Jonxs of London. Friends in ; Chatham, Windsor, Buxton and other places | westward, will also correspond; whose names | will be announced hereafter, if not objectiona- | ble to the parties. ide JueTTERS, whether intended «fer publication or on Business, must, during the absence of the Editor, be addressed, post-paid, to M. A. Swapp, Toronto, C.W. | Printed for the Proprietors by JOHN DICK, at the Office No. 5, City Buildings, King Street East. Selections. SLAVERY RAMPANT, The following is an extract froma sermon re- ently preached by Rev. Wm. H. Furness, of hiladelphia, one of the few clergymen in the States, who dare to speak boldly and openly, the whole truth respecting the sinfulness of Slavery. t.is earnest and impressive, and exhibits suthfully the present aggressive attitude of the blave power. I remember perfectly well, when I was foung, and the subject of Slavery was men- ioned, old men shook their heads and look- d grave, and said, that was the curse that fould blast the hopes of the country and ring ruin on this land. Mr. Jefferson said, I tremble for my country when I think of 1e justice of Heaven." And it was antici- ated then that the way in which this great vil was to work us woe, would be by bloody assacre and insurrection, by a fierce war f the two races, black and white. But now would work our ruin in a more cunning fay, not by stirring up the slaves to deeds blood, but by taking advantage of our eat outward prosperity to extinguish the irit of freemen in our hearts, to obliterate Il sense of the difference between Freedom d Oppression, by buying us up with its ood-earned cotton, and making us all: di- etly or indirectly slaveholders, if not slave ners. This is the way in which the fore- dings, of our fathers are now being real- add Ye But, afterall, friends, the picture of the ture, to which passing events are pointing : ' ea Sis podare aiid appaiting, that although it is hpping against hope, I cannot but think that the people of these States, still calling themselves Free, are not yet so blinded and besotted by their material success, not yet so lost to all faith in the divine worth of Freedom and Humanity, but that they will sev, before it is too late, and that this Ne- braska Bill will enable them to see--that 1: as utterly rdle to expect to keep any terms with this outrageous Wrong; that it is bound by the very instinct of its nature to wage ceaseless war with Freedom; that it will not and cannot respect even its own compacts and compromises a single instant after they have ceased to serve its purposes; that it will never be satisfied until it has erased every vestive of Liberty from the land. And if so, then the lovers and servants of 'Freedom have no alternative but to insist upon its entire Abolition. We are not safe so long as it is suffered to linger on a single There are those who would fain be content with driving it back within its original limits and keeping it there. But it was once confined within only seven Status, instead of its present number fifteen. And yet it could not be kept there. See how triumphantly it is marching over the Broad West, trampling in the dust the limits which it once professed to respect, and seiz- ing and wielding as its rightful sceptre the whole power of the central government. | repeat, there is no alternative. No terms are to be or can be kept with it. With one heart and soul and at every hazard, Union or no Union, we must, in all righteous ways, go for its entire banishment from this soil. For so long as it lasts the Union is not a Union of free men with free men, but a Union of masters and slaves. And now the present perilous crisis of our affairs gives us at least one advantage, namely, that whereas in times past Slavery has claimed to be only standing on the de fensive against Northern agitators and mis- chiefmakers, it has now itself assumed an offensive attitude' Under no pretended pressure of necessity even, it has opened upon us the whole subject anew, and it has shown that no time-honored agreement shall stand in its way. It challenges us to the conflict. We must resist it, or hold out our hands for its manacles. Most earnestly du T'pray that we may see and understand the portentous signs of the time; that we may hear the 'voice of Freedom calling upon us aloud to come to her aid, now in sore peril; that our hearts may thrill and burn with the appeal of mankind, adjuring us by every sacred consideration, by all that we hold dear on earth and in Heaven, 'to be faithful to our outraged and hunted brother, as we would that he should be faithful to us, were we in his place and he in ours. I would fain persuade myself that, ener- vated and made selfish' as we are by the wonderful prosperity that is' so rapidly multiplying our numbers, and building our cities anew and in increasing splendor almost every year, | would fain hope that we have priceless utility of magnanimity and. self- Your money, be it ever so safely little while. In a few years, at the farthest, It It cannot, purchase. for you a single hour. amd this is its noblest use, it. can buy you an wniward satisfaction which the world cannot give nor take away. Be ready to sacrifice It utterly for the sake of Freedom and of God; serve God with it by devoting it to the welfare of man, by holding it as a trust put into your hands for this very purpose, and you will receive new revelations, of what Is really useful, worth living and worth dying for. In the conscious love and possession of things invisible, intangible, imperishable, you will-come to knofy, what no argum nt could convince you ofj the undying, divine soul ofsyour being. Ske; ring God thus, you will experience his Almighty Power to bless you beyond all that you could have asked or imagined. Praying to him, hungering and thirsting for righteousness, for the deliverance and welfare of mankind, you will be profited indeed, even with that inward peace, which will remain undisturbed though the earth be removed out of its place and the mountains be cast into the midst of the sea: a peace which no words can describe, and which passes all understanding. THE CHRISTIAN'S DUTY TO LIBERTY, At length, God seems to have caught the wicked in their own craft. It was not in the power of all the men in the North to develop so earnest a feeling against Slavery and for Liberty as is now finding a tongue, and giving itself forth, all over the North. All that for which we have been counted uncharitable, by men anxious to be honour- able toward the South, has come to pass. We have steadfastly declared that Slavery was not, and could not be, a local influence, simply because it was a local institution. A has demanded concession upon concersion lord takes his vassal's tribute. Our mag nanimity has been wasted upon men tha habitually to their unjust demands. 4. Hor the last time, God | the North! thing mure left, for all time, must be done now. 5. But, in this extremity, itis very possible that some sugared expedient, some treach- erous and smooth-named middle course will be suggested. If the North has not yet learned that middle courses are quicksands, she may despair of learning anything, even by that sharpest of all schoolmasters-- Experience. We must sink our shaft down below all reasons of expediency, all reasons of present ease, all mercenary reasons, until we find solid ground of moral principle. Let the conscience of the North settle this question, not her fears. God calls. us to a religious duty. a napkin. Our testimony for liberty has been waived ; our assertion of freedom has been timid and without enthusiasm. We have refused to accept at God's hands the true mission of the North, to preach liberty to the captives, and elevation to the whole human family. At length, let the banner = ; a There will never be another day of grace if this goes past. Retreat now, and the North will never retreat again. morass may have a local position, but the malaria which it exhales will fill the whole atmosphere, and be wafted by the winds in every direction. Slavery is felt in every fibre of our nation. It has deadened the public feeling to liberty. It has suppressed every generous expression of liberty, ex- cept when cautiously guarded was limited to whites. It has brought. our young men to use all the specious rea 'onings that mon- archists, the world over, employ in defence of oppression. 'There has not been since the days of Nimrod, the patriarch of slave-. hunters, to this hour, a plea for injustice, a | sophistry in favour of the absolute power of § one man over another, that our young men have not been taught to employ. That sense of the sacredness of man which the Bible inspires has been lost. 'That outright expression of men's natural rights and civil equality, which every one of our old revolu- tionary documents breathes, and of which| the Declaration of. Independence is a type, has become unpopular, and is very widely| regarded as a patriotic flourish, very. well] for the times in which it was uttered, but not founded in truth, and not to be honored by us. The whole body politic has been poisoned. We have declared, from the beginning, that the South was untrustworthy ; that there could be no honour among men who were engaged to defend an institution which epitomized every evil and every crime which it was possible for man to commit upon man. We have forewarned men, that. the South, after using them for their own purposes, would at length pay them off as Judas was paid by the priests. But it is worse tha that. The priests would not touch the thirty pieces, which the wretch, in his re} morse, desired them to retake. 'The Sout is determined to clutch again the price pai to the North for allowing slave States. tc come into the Union against her clear moral convictions! We have, in every form, protested agains compromises, and declared that the two parties to compromises, such as have played so Important a part in our past history, were eliher knaves on the one side, or dupes on the other; or, if both parties sacrificed principle for a consideration, they were like the soldiers who, while Christ hung a dying divided his raiment between them upon th throw of dice. We have, above all, over and over again conjured sober men not to believe that therd could be any peace--abiding, profitable peace--erowing out of settlements so false as compromises must always be. There can never be peace till there is justice at the bottom of i. All the power of God in the Gospel is engaged to agitate and bombard any peace that does not make rectitude its foundation; and, on the other hand what- ever storms are in the heavens, that which is founded on right and truth shall be like the house built upon a rock. We repeat these things, because we be- lieve that the public mind is in a condition to learn; and it is important beyond mea-§ sure, that certain facts and principles should be taken, and now made the basis of -all further action. ' 1. It is utterly impossible for Slavery and Liberty to exist under the same Constitution without conflicts and agitations, which wi grow more and more violent, as the natio] grows in strength, until one or the other i utterly subdued. 2. Compromises are demoralizing an utterly fallacious. They do not remove th] disease; they only drug the sense of pati with an opiate, leaving it to spring up agal with increased violence. 3. All those scruples of honour and for bearance which have led the North to keep back her testimony, to hold in her breath, and forego such a religious expression of her abhorrence of Slavery as it was in her power to make, have been wasted. 'We are deal- ing with an antagonist that takes all and gives nothing, We defy any man to give a single' in- stance in our whole history in which the South has made a single-concession TO LIBERTY | She has been haughty and dictatorial She has been restless and threatening. She ters to put this question where it belongs, upon @ religious basis, Let them think of thei: duty in the assertion of human rights, in their own land, as they feel their duty of preaching the truth of Christ, whether men will hear, or whether they will forbear. Oh! that God, by breathing a spirit of prayer upon his people, and of unflinching fidelity, would give. usa token that He has appeared at length for our salvation!--Z. W. Beecher, in the Independent. \CANADA WES She has accepted them at our hands, as a | only know how to despise them who yield 1as called upon When these remaining' terri- torles pass over to the South, there is no- We pass into the minority. Liberty thenevforth is-a-factien; despotism will be crowned, and regent. What we do Long has our talent laid ing flow out to the winds; let the battle begin. | 6. We beseech Christian men and minis- SrugAoad to Independence." 7 t | 4 i i i KPECTED MIGRATION OF TOBACCO PLANTERS. That the slaveholders really expect to oc- upy Nebraska, notwithstanding what is'said in certain quarters, is clear from the follow- ng paragraphs, which we transcribe from the Charleston Courier of the 18th instant. It is part of an answer to the censure passed upon Senator Butler's course by some of his constituents in South Carolina: " Do the exceptants to Senator Butler's course ever ask themselves what they would have gained, if the Nebraska and Kansas bill had passed without the removal or abol- ition of the Missouri line, to which those re- gions have been expressly subjected by the legislation and compromise of 18202 The result would undoubtedly have been the sur- render of those territories to the free soilers. |} Although we hold it clear that the Missouri restriction is unconstitutional, there are a large number who think otherwise, and no- thing short of an abolition or removal will have the effect of opening those territories to slaveholders. We have reason to believe, from reliable authority, that, without this measure, a non-slaveholding population would at once occupy those territories, and the blaveholders, now there, would have to re- ede--nay, to give way to an emigrant norde of red republicans, in principle, if not in national origin, full of the deadliest hostility to Slavery. But, remove the Missouri line and restrictions, and Kansas, we are well as- sured, will be settled by tobacco-planters, for the production of which staple the soil and climate are said to well adapted; and Ne- braska will almost necessary take its social character and political complexion, and local institutions, from Missouri, on which it bor- lers. If Senator Butler had deserted his buthern associates, he may have contributed b defeat the bill--but he would have assum- d Pe responsibility of dividing the now uni- T SATURDAY, APRIL 15, 1854. VOL. L---NO. 4. TD ted South, and would have achieved, for his constituents and the South, "an Irishman's gain"--he would have gained a loss. "The bill, reduced to its true character, and freed from all sophistical confusion, and especially from the glosses of men of extreme views, on either side, is nothing more than all territorial bills, under the constitution of the United States, except that it removes doubt by declaratory legislation, by impliedly, if not expressly, asserting the supremacy of the constitution over the unconstitutional Missouri Compromise and restriction of 1820." Of the possession of the lower part of Ne- braska, called Kansas in Douglas's bill, the slaveholders feel very sure, in case the bill should become a law. The tobacco-planters are ready to emigrate thither with their slaves; and where they fix themselves, the free laborer, '"'the red republican," as the Charles- ton print calls him, will not 'settle. That region is expected "to take its' social character, and political complexion, and local institutions, from Missouri, on which it bor- ders ;" in other words, Slavery will be transplanted to Nebraska the momant the bill passes. Once planted, we need not say how impossible it will be to root it out. The passage we yesterday quoted from Mr. Butler's remarks, made on Monday in the Senate, shows that they expect to hold their bondmen by sufferance. 'There is to be no legislation on the subject; the representatives of the territory are to pass no new laws, and yet Slavery is to exist, and spread, and be- come the custom of the land. 'Che master, | when his right is questioned, is to answer, that he holds is work-people as property un- | der the Constitution.--Lvening Post. CONSTITUTION OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL, | _ For the purpose of improving the char- | acter, developing the intelligence, maintain- Fine the rights and organizing a Union of the | Colored People of the Free States, the Na- | tional Convention does hereby ordain and institute the }' NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE PEOPLE." Art. 1. This Council shall consist of two members from each State, represented in this Convention, to be elected by this Con- vention, and two other members from each State to be elected as follows: On the 15th lay of November next, and bienniaily there- fter, there shall be held in each State, a Poll, at which each colored inhabitant may ote who pays ten cents as poll-tax; and bach State shall elect, at such election, such Helegates to State Levislatures, twenty In umber from each State, at large. The blection to be held at such places and under uch conditions as the public meetings in uch localities may determine. The mem- bers of the National Council in cach State, hall receive, canvass, and declare the result bf such vote. The State Council, thus elect- d, shall meet on the first Monday in Janu- ry, 1854, and elect additional members to he National Council, in proportion of one to ive thousand of the colored population of uch State; and the members of council hus elected, to take office on the sixth day f- July next, and all to hold office during two years trom that date; at the end of which ime another general election by State council shall take place of members to con- stitute their successors in office, in the same numbers as above. Ihe State council of each State shall have full power over the internal concerns of said State. Art. 2. The members of the first council shall be elected by this convention, which shall designate out of the number, a Presi- dent, a Vice-President, Secretary, Treasur- er, corresponding Secretary, and committee of five on Manual Labor--a committee of five on Protective Unions--of five on Busi- ness Relations--of tive on Publications. Art. 3. The committee on Manual Labor School shall procure funds and organize said School in accordance with the plans adopted by this National Convention, with such modifications as experience or necessity may dictate tothem. 'The committee shall immediately incorporate itself as an academy under "The General Committee of the State of 7' and shall constitute the Board of Trustees of the Manual Labor School, with full power to select a location in the State designated by the National council, to erect buildings,appoint or dismiss instructors in the literary or mechanical branches. There shall be a farm attached to the School. Art. 4. The committee on Protective Unions shall institute a Protective Union for the purchase and sale of articles of domestic consumption, and shall unite and aid in the formation of branches auxiliary to their own. Art. 5. The committee on Business Rela- tions, shall establish an office, in which they shall keep a registry of colored mechanics, artizans and business men throughout the Union. 'They shall keep a registry of all persons willing to employ colored men in business, to' teach colored boys mechanical trades, liberal and scienititie professions, and farming ; and also, a registry of colored men and youth seeking employment or instruc- tion. 'They shall also report upon any aven- ues of business or trade which they deem in- viting'to colored capital, skill or labor. Their reports and advertisements to be in papers uf the widest cireulation.. They shall receive for sale or exhibition products of the skill and labor of colored people Art. 6. The committee on Publication shall collect all facts, statistics and statements, all laws and historical records and biogra- phies of the colored people, and all books by colored authors. They shall have for the safe keeping of these documents, a Library, with a Reading Room and Museum. 'The committee shall also publish replies to any assaults, worthy of note, made upon the cha- COLORED Art. 7. Each committee shall have abso- lute control over its special department ; shall make its own by-laws, and in case of any va- cancy occurring, shall fill up the same forth- with subject to the confirmation of the coun- cil. Hach committee shall meet at least once a month or as often as possible ; shall keep a minute of all its proceedings, executive and financial], and shall subrags a full statement of the same, witiithe accounts audited, at every regular meeting of the National council, Art. 8. The Nationa, council shall meet at least once in six months, to receive the reports of the committees, and to consider any new plan for the general good, for which it shall have power, at its option, to appoint a new committee, and shall be empowered to receive and appropriate donations for the carrying out of the objects of the same. At all such meet- ings, eleven members shall constitute a quo- rum... In case any committee neglect or refuse to send in its report, according to article 8th, then the council shall have power to enter the bureau, examine the books and papers of such committee ; and in case the committee shall persist in its refusal or neglect, then the conn- cil shall declare their offices vacant, and ap- point others in their stead. Art. 12. A member of the council shall be member of only one of the committees there- of. Art. 13. All officers holding funds, shall give security in double the amount likely to be intheir hands, This security to be given to the three first officers of the council. Art. 14. The council shall have power to make such By-Laws as are necessary for their proper government. Art. 9. In all cases of the meetings of the National Council, or the committees, the tra veling expenses (if any) of the members shal be paid out of the respective funds. Art. 10. The council shall immediately es- tablish a bureau in the place of its meeting : andthe same rooms shall, as far as possible, be used by the several committees for their vari- ous purposes. The council shall havea clerk, at a moderate salary, who will keep a record of their transactions, and prepare a condensed report of the committees for publication; and, also, a registry of the friends of the cause. Art. 11. The expenses of the council shall be defrayed by the fees of membership of sub- societies or councils, to be organized through- out the States. The membership fee shall be one cent per week. [The following resolutions having direct bearing upon the plan of organization were adopted by the Convention and are therefore appended to the Council's Constitution.] Resolved, That the Council shall be dele- gated to select its various Committee. Resolved, . That, the Council power to offer a premium for prize essays on different subjects agreed on by Council. Resolyed, That the said Council shall hear and grant petitions, and be governed by the rules of legislative bodies, and their decisions shall be final. Resolved, That any State applying for ad- mission into this Union, shall be admitted on such terms as may hereafter be agreed upon. Resolved, That in establishing a National Conncil for our own special improvement, and a Manual Labor School for the education of our children in. science, literature and me- chanical arts, this Convention do this, not to build ourselves up as a distinct and seperate class in this country, but as a means to a great end, viz: the equality in political rights, and in civil and social privileges with th rest of the American people. PLAN OF THE AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL. The undersigned, the Committee on Man- ual Labour School, appointed by the National Council of the colored people, in offering a plan for the organization of the school, beg leave to state, 1st. That the location of the school, which is to be within one hundred miles of the town of Erie, Pennsylvania, will be selected as soon as three thousand dollars are paid in; the school building and work-shop will be commenced 'as soon as ten thousand dollars are paid in; and' the school commenced as soon as fifteen thousand dollars are paid in; and that in no case will a contract be made beyond the sum of money actually paid in. The site of the school will be at least two hundred acres of land, one hundred and fifty of which shall for ever be used as a farm for agricultural instruction. 2nd. In accordance with a vote of the Rochester Convention, the teachers are to be selected for, and pupils admitted into, the school without reference to sex or complexion. 3d. Special provision will be made to make this, from the beginning, an industrial school for females as well as males; a prom- inent principle of conduct will be to aid in providing for the female sex, methods and means of enjoying an independent and hon- orable livlihood. FREDERICK DovuG3ass, | Joun D. Pecx, Committee Amos G. BEMAN, on Manual JOHN JONES, Labour J.D. Bonner, School, J. McCune SmMIrtu, 1. The title shall be "THe AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL." 2, The foundation fund shall be thirty thousand dollars. 3. Twenty thousand dollars shall be in stock of 2000 shares, at ten dollars per share. 4. Ten thousand dollars shall be in dona- tions to be solicited from the friends of the cause. 5. The shares shall be payable, ten per cent. at the time of subscribing, and ten per cent. every first day of July, October, Janu- ary and April thereafter, until the whole is paid in. 6. The School shall be organised and conducted entirely by a board of fifteen trus- tees. 7. Six of these trustees shall be the Com- mittee on Manual Labor School, appointed by the National Council of the People of Color; and nine of the trustees shall bé elected by the Stockholders when three, 'thousandgdollars shall: have, been paid in by: them £(t@ stockholders) ahd annually there shalt have & holders may vote by proxy, on affidavit made and acknowledged before a Commissioner of Deeds. 8. In organizing the School, the following regulations shall be strictly enforced: a. For every branch of Literature taught, there shall be one branch of handicraft also taught in the School. oe 2., Each pupil shall occupy one half his time" when at School, in work at some handicrait, or on': the farm. c. The handicrafts shall be such that their pro- ducts will be articles saleable for cash, or money's worth, ata market within easy access from the School, The agent appointed by the Committee Frederick Douglass, Esq., shall be empow- ered to receive donations and take subscrip- tions for stock, giving a receipt for the latter, signed by himself and Rev. Amos G. Beman, the Secretary of the Committee. As soon as, and as often as the Agent aforesaid shall receive two hundred and fifty dollars, either in subscriptions or donations, he shall pay the same over to the 'Treasurer, John Jones, Esq., of Chicago, who shall deposit the same forthwiith in the Bank of America, Chicago, Ill.: the Treasurer aloresaid, as soon as he shall receive one thousand dollars, and for every thousand dollars thereafter, shall give bonds with two sureties to the President and Secretary of the National Council of Colored People, for double the amounts aforesaid. For his services, the Agent shall receive five per cent. on all stock instalments paid in by him, and ten per cent. on all donations above two hundred dollars paid in by or through him. 10. The members of the Committee on Manual Labor School shall also be empow- ered to receive donations for the same; and they shall transmit all said donations to the 'Treasurer, by draft, within ten days after receiving the same. 'They shall also be en- titled to five per cent. on all such donations paid in by him. 11. The 'Treasurer shall publish at least once a fortnight a list of all the donations and subseriptions of stock received by him ; and shall transmit to each donor or stock- holder, a copy of the paper, (Frederick Douglass's Paper or Aliened Amerwan,) which shall contain the acknowledgment of their gift or subscription. Anti-Slavery Movement in Cuba. y Se ee pa Resolutions have been introduced, and sre now pending in the Legislature of Louisiana, donouncing the administration for not inter- fering to prevent the abolition of slavery in Cuba. Our telegraphic despatch of yester- day brought us this piece of intelligence. The sozth is evidently getting very wneasy about the active phhilantropy of their neigh- bor, the, Captain General of Cuba. Pezuela has already shown a disposition towards freedom, which, however, it may be in ac- cordance with the dictates of justice and hu- manity, is not, of course, in harmony with the southern sentiment. 'The freedom of the emancipados, the col- onization scheme, and the tariff limiting the price of slaves promulgated by the Captain General of Cuba, are three severe blows to the slavery interest. The direct effect of each and all of these measures is to reduce the value of slaves as a marketable com/ modity, and thus to give a competition to free labor. These are cunningly devised measures on the part of the Captain-General of Cuba. They are based upon a very shrewd calculation of the meanness and self- ishness of mankind. 'To turn the interest of the Cubans in behalf of liberty, might be practicable when no hope was left for con- verting their hearts. Hopeless of any scheme of pure benevolence, distrustful of appeals to the sentiment of the slave owners, Pezuela wastes no time upon the Cuban's love of h* tellows, for it may be hard to reach, but goes straight to the Cuban'sself- -- { interest, which meets him in the way. We have hopes that the present Governor -- of Cuba, if not prematurely interrupted by -- the cabals and intrigues of the Court of © Spain, may do much for humanity in the is- and of Cuba. The proposition before the -- Legislatnre of Louisiana, asking for interfer-_ ence with the 'domestic institutions' of Spain, comes strangely enough from -the South, so jealous of all meddling, either by word or deed, with their own peculiar con- dition --N. Y. Evening Post. Treatment of Coloured Subjects of Great Britain in the United States. ; Mr. Kinnard wished to ask the noble Lord the Leader of the House, in what state the correspondence between the British and United States Government with reference to colored seamen [being British subjects,] on the vessels to which they belong arriving at a port in any of the Southern States --_ imprisoned on account of their color, no was, and whether there was any truth in the report that colored seamen [being British subjects] have been not only imprisoned but afterwards sold into slavery, if unable to pay the cost of their imprisonment? He had documents in his possession which led him to believe that this had occurred. fe Lord John Russell said: Lord Clarendoy was of opinion that it would be better not produce the correspondence, relying op Legislature of the States to make such ations.in their laws as would preven currence of their causes of complain hear.| In Carolina the Governo posed an alteratio; which had n ried into effect, but it was ung it would be again proposed believing that there would provement in the legislati na and Georgia upun Clarendon, he repeated, after. ach share of gtock shall cou one vote at al wae) fe nee racter or condition of the colored People. j the correspoudiese